{"id":89,"date":"2026-05-27T09:39:05","date_gmt":"2026-05-27T09:39:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=89"},"modified":"2026-05-27T09:39:05","modified_gmt":"2026-05-27T09:39:05","slug":"the-miller-doctrine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=89","title":{"rendered":"The Miller Doctrine"},"content":{"rendered":"
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This article appears in the\u00a0<\/em>June 2026<\/em>\u00a0issue of<\/em>\u00a0The American Prospect magazine.<\/em> If you\u2019d like to receive our next issue in your mailbox, please subscribe here.<\/em><\/p>\n

Read more In Massachusetts Today, Uber and Lyft Drivers Went Union<\/a><\/p>\n

Stephen Miller\u2019s giddy grin takes up half the screen as Fox News host Jesse Watters allows him to expound on the success of the United States and Israel\u2019s war on Iran.<\/p>\n

\u201cPresident Trump is saying, \u2018We the United States, have the world\u2019s not just most powerful military, most powerful navy,\u2019\u201d Miller says about halfway through his monologue, as the White House twinkles in the dusk behind him and a third split screen shows footage of jets launching off an aircraft carrier. \u201cWhoever controls the seas is able to control the outcomes in any foreign-policy showdown \u2026 If Iran chooses the path of a deal, then that\u2019s great for the world, that\u2019s great for everybody. If Iran chooses the path of economic strangulation by blockade, then the world will pass Iran by.\u201d<\/p>\n

More from Ellen Ioanes<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

The April 14 appearance came amidst a double blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, and followed more than a month of U.S. and Israeli bombing that killed dozens of Iranian officials and hundreds of civilians, endangered U.S. allies in the Gulf region, reignited Israel\u2019s devastating war on Hezbollah and southern Lebanon, drove up fuel prices stateside, and threatened supply shocks for multiple components and finished goods globally.<\/p>\n

A 92-second clip from the appearance encapsulates a striking dynamic in the second Trump administration\u2019s approach to foreign policy: In some sense diplomacy still exists, hence the talk of a \u201cdeal,\u201d but it is increasingly backed by the threat of overwhelming military force.<\/p>\n

The idea that might makes right as one of \u201cthe iron laws of the world that have existed since the beginning of time,\u201d as Miller told CNN\u2019s Jake Tapper shortly after U.S. military forces kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, encapsulates this administration\u2019s worldview. From Donald Trump\u2019s threats to other countries on social media to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth\u2019s press briefings about the war on Iran (or as Hegseth reminds us, Operation Epic Fury), projecting violence abroad in some form is usually the answer.<\/p>\n

The policy of belligerent imperialism has more than one origin point, and it is nothing new in the context of American empire. Indeed, U.S. behavior on the world stage over the past 18 months is both uncanny and nihilistic; we are once again prosecuting a baseless and unsuccessful war in the Middle East, only this time no one even bothered to try and sell it to the public. If the Monroe Doctrine opened the door for intervention\u2014both covert and outright\u2014in Latin America, the Trump corollary drove a tank through the wall and set up loudspeakers shrieking \u201cCourtesy of the Red, White and Blue\u201d on loop.<\/p>\n

But Miller, as one of the president\u2019s closest advisers and a major power player in the administration, has fueled, architected, and at times instigated America\u2019s practice of foreign policy at gunpoint.<\/p>\n

\u201cGenerally, an administration has a freer hand on foreign policy than domestic,\u201d Jake Johnston, director of international research at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, said in an interview. \u201cThe administration has been constrained in some things domestically, but they\u2019re not really on foreign policy. And so you can sort of push the boundaries. You can break norms. You can violate international laws. You can create a precedent or undermine the ability to check anything the administration does.\u201d<\/p>\n

But reality seems to have caught up with the administration\u2019s bombast and bombers in Iran. As of now, there\u2019s no agreement to prevent Iran from building its own nuclear weapon, and the Iranian regime is diminished but far from dismantled.<\/p>\n

Though the clear lesson here is that military power cannot solve every disagreement, that doesn\u2019t mean the administration won\u2019t try it again\u2014maybe in Cuba or Greenland\u2014despite the consequences.<\/p>\n

MILLER, 40, WAS A SENIOR POLICY ADVISER<\/strong> and speechwriter in the first Trump administration; he has built on that foundation to become homeland security adviser and deputy chief of staff in this one. As an aide to former Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions, the first prominent Republican official to support Trump\u2019s presidential campaign, his primary policy victory was defeating comprehensive immigration reform in 2013. This obsession immediately informed Miller\u2019s first policy framework once Trump became president, known colloquially as the \u201cMuslim ban.\u201d<\/p>\n

Trump\u2019s executive order, formally titled \u201cProtecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States,\u201d restricted travel from Iran, Syria, Somalia, Libya, Yemen, and Sudan, all majority-Muslim countries. That first shot, which triggered protests at airports across the country, was ultimately unsuccessful, but an altered version of it was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2018. Though Miller was reportedly not involved in drafting the final version, the policy idea is emblematic of what he considers the purpose of the federal government: to keep those he deems outsiders out by any means necessary. That included using a public-health statute to ban entry at the southern border during COVID, and ending Temporary Protected Status for immigrants from countries ravaged by war or natural disaster.<\/p>\n

Trump\u2019s and Miller\u2019s ideologies are aligned, but the means by which Trump has centralized power, called the \u201cunitary executive theory,\u201d plays a key role here, too. \u201cYou need a superior and unfettered executive to wield the violence of the state against undesirables,\u201d according to a former Foreign Service officer who served multiple international tours with the State Department and whose name is being withheld to avoid retribution.<\/p>\n

Miller\u2019s interpretation of his current role as homeland security adviser is expansive; he doesn\u2019t just work to thwart terror attacks or direct policy for the Department of Homeland Security. He also turns domestic security policy\u2014like terrorizing noncitizens and industrial-scale deportations to places like El Salvador and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)\u2014out onto the world.<\/p>\n

\u201cFor Stephen Miller, foreign policy isn\u2019t international policy, it\u2019s policy for foreigners, whether they\u2019re inside the United States or outside of the United States,\u201d the former Foreign Service officer said in an interview.<\/p>\n

The best way to understand that dynamic, the former Foreign Service officer said, is through U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and the Caribbean; specifically, the repeated airstrikes on small boats that the administration claims are tied to \u201cnarco-terrorist gangs.\u201d<\/p>\n

Miller reportedly floated the idea to attack boats of migrants headed to the U.S. back in 2018, according to a book by Miles Taylor, who was chief of staff at DHS during the first Trump administration. \u201cTell me why can\u2019t we use a Predator drone to obliterate that boat?\u201d Miller reportedly asked the then-commandant of the U.S. Coast Guard, according to Taylor\u2019s account. When told that such action would clearly be against international law, Miller reportedly told the commandant, \u201cI don\u2019t think you understand the limitations of international law.\u201d Miller has denied Taylor\u2019s account.<\/p>\n

Yet proposals that skirt the edges of international law didn\u2019t come out of nowhere. The U.S. under George W. Bush created legal mechanisms following the September 11th attacks to torture hundreds of people in CIA black sites and then at Guantanamo Bay. The Obama administration\u2019s targeted drone strikes were assassinations by another name. The Biden administration further eroded international norms and subverted its own policies by financing Israel\u2019s genocide in Gaza, in violation of the Leahy Law, which prohibits foreign military assistance to nations that violate human rights.<\/p>\n

\u201cSeems like Miller is sort of taking what he was already willing to do during the first term and then combining that with what Israel has been doing in the way it has just been completely ignoring any kind of international law, Geneva Conventions, any of it in its conduct in Gaza and Lebanon, to then influence U.S. foreign policy,\u201d Annelle Sheline, a research fellow in the Middle East program at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, said in an interview.<\/p>\n

In other words, Miller and the Trump administration have been able to steamroll what was left of international law; they just had to figure out how to do it.<\/p>\n

According to The Guardian<\/em> and The New York Times<\/em>, Miller was directly responsible for at least the initial strikes on Venezuelan boats back in September. Even if Trump was technically the last word on the strikes, as the White House says, they could not have happened without Miller\u2019s input. He came up with the legal structure that ultimately justified those strikes\u2014using the Alien Enemies Act to position Venezuelans as affiliated with the Tren de Aragua cartel, which the administration previously designated as a foreign terrorist organization. (The Alien Enemies Act was also the justification to deport hundreds of Venezuelans living in the U.S. to El Salvador\u2019s notorious CECOT prison, where many reported enduring serious abuse.)<\/p>\n

The \u201csecretary of state can declare an organization a foreign terrorist organization, based on nothing but vibes,\u201d the former Foreign Service officer said. \u201cThen the next step is you say that they\u2019re trafficking drugs in order to do terrorism. That doesn\u2019t have to be true, you just have to suspect it, and \u2018suspect\u2019 is a state of mind, right? You can start doing lethal operations against those individuals, and call them enemy combatants.\u201d<\/p>\n

Of course, just because there is a legal architecture and justification for the strikes, that doesn\u2019t mean they are actually<\/em> legally justifiable, as Brian Finucane, senior adviser for the U.S. Program at the International Crisis Group, noted in an interview.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe administration is trying to cloak these strikes in the mantle of counterterrorism, in the mantle of armed conflict, but that\u2019s completely false framing,\u201d Finucane told the Prospect<\/em>. \u201cThere is no armed conflict, unlike with the war on terror, where the U.S. was engaged in actual armed conflict with organized armed groups like al-Qaeda and ISIS.\u201d<\/p>\n

When the administration attacks these small boats, Finucane said, \u201cwe have premeditated killing outside of armed conflict, which implicates U.S. criminal statutes on murder, murder on the high seas, conspiracy to commit murder outside the United States, and murder under the Uniform Code of Military Justice. And I say this as someone who advised on legal counterterrorism operations under both the Obama and Trump 1.0 administrations.\u201d<\/p>\n

According to The New York Times<\/em>, Miller\u2019s desire to use boat strikes as a deterrent assisted other foreign-policy priorities. It dovetailed with President Trump\u2019s interest in Venezuelan oil and Secretary of State Marco Rubio\u2019s desire for regime change in Venezuela and, eventually, Cuba. The White House denied parts of the Times<\/em>\u2019 reporting.<\/p>\n

But most of all, the boat strikes and subsequent kidnapping of Maduro and Flores created a replicable\u2014at least in theory\u2014model for the second Trump administration\u2019s foreign policy: Shoot first and deal with the consequences later.<\/p>\n

ON MARCH 5, MILLER MADE AN APPEARANCE<\/strong> at the Doral, Florida, headquarters of U.S. Southern Command, the military AOR (area of responsibility) that contains much of Latin America and the Caribbean. The occasion was the first , and defense and security officials from 17 Latin American and Caribbean countries were in the audience.<\/p>\n

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Miller was there to tell attendees that the U.S. was taking a new approach to drug cartels operating throughout the region: military force, regardless of domestic or international law, and whether the governments themselves pursued it or not.<\/p>\n

Just days before that conference, the U.S. and Ecuador launched a joint attack on targets in Ecuador as part of an operation to defeat the drug cartels that have rapidly gained power and influence in the country, particularly in coastal areas and port cities.<\/p>\n

Drug trafficking has certainly become a major security problem for Ecuador in the past decade, as has the precipitous rise in cartel-related violence. Ecuador now has the highest homicide rate in the region, and President Daniel Noboa has taken an increasingly hard-line approach to the problem, ramping up internal repression and now allowing U.S. forces to conduct airstrikes within its territory.<\/p>\n

Beyond the fact that the initial March campaign appears to have targeted a dairy farm, not a narco-terrorist training facility as initially claimed, the efficacy of this kind of approach isn\u2019t really clear. Aggressive, violent, and inhumane immigration policies like sending Afghan refugees to the DRC or Venezuelans to CECOT might deter individual people from coming to the U.S., but the logic doesn\u2019t apply to cartels, as Will Freeman, a fellow for Latin America studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, told the Prospect<\/em>.<\/p>\n

\u201cTrying to copy and paste that same deterrence logic to businesses is where it breaks down, because the cartels are organized crime, are businesses,\u201d Freeman said in an interview. \u201cSo you aren\u2019t deterring them from operating by blowing up boats, because they have a lot of other assets. I don\u2019t think they\u2019re impoverishing the cartels.\u201d<\/p>\n

According to Freeman, whose expertise is organized crime in Latin America, limiting illicit financial flows would go much further toward that end, something the Trump administration has abandoned. \u201cThe biggest [factor] \u2026 is actually all the clearing away of any regulation or oversight on cryptocurrencies. A lot of money laundering [is] happening through Tether now. A lot [is] also happening through these opaque Chinese money-laundering networks.\u201d<\/p>\n

If Miller is to be believed, the Americas Counter Cartel Coalition, also called the Shield of the Americas, intends to forcefully attack the problem rather than address any root causes or essential tools of the illicit drug trade. And, according to the former Foreign Service officer, that may have been only part of the point in the first place.<\/p>\n

\u201c[Miller\u2019s] desire was to have the president be able to do something kinetic,\u201d like a bombing campaign, he said. \u201cWhat Miller was saying was that the president has the authority to do extrajudicial killings of certain populations, and there\u2019s no limit on that right, and he knows who he wants those populations to be. That was the original objective, I believe, of the boat strikes.\u201d<\/p>\n

PART OF THE WAY MILLER AND TRUMP\u2019S<\/strong> other close advisers are able to convince the president to support their priorities is that there just aren\u2019t that many people to get in the way. And according to diplomatic sources the Prospect<\/em> spoke with, those who disagree with the administration\u2019s foreign policy are reluctant to speak out.<\/p>\n

In May of last year, just after Marco Rubio took over as national security adviser, the National Security Council cut about a hundred jobs; in previous administrations, the agency has been tasked with coordinating international policy among government agencies and providing specific foreign-policy expertise, particularly in unstable areas or regions where there are active or potential conflicts. According to contemporaneous reporting, many of those experts were dismissed and sent to other postings in the government.<\/p>\n

The administration has also gutted the State Department, laying off hundreds of staffers last summer and threatening to push out more via a new set of performance evaluations. Those who remain, according to American Foreign Service Association President John Dinkelman, fear speaking out against this administration\u2019s policies.<\/p>\n

\u201cA lot of what we do is based on our ability to tell the truth, as we see it, to leadership, and historically, that has been without fear of any ramification or recrimination or retribution,\u201d Dinkelman said in an interview.<\/p>\n

\u201cUnfortunately the environment, not just in Washington but throughout the Foreign Service, is one of\u2014how shall I say this\u2014covering your back, because bad news now is not welcome. Unfortunately, the tendency to shoot the messenger has now become an attribute in the management style of our Foreign Service. So you can understand how that would cause an entire system to basically freeze up with people not so much interested in reporting back to Washington the bad news that might get them in trouble, but rather, either not reporting at all, or worse, misreporting that things are OK when they really aren\u2019t.\u201d The result is that committed, career Foreign Service officers find that they cannot effectively do their job and resign, which is probably part of the administration\u2019s goal in the first place.<\/p>\n

Trump also removed around 30 career diplomats from their posts late last year, many of whom served in challenging posts or areas where there is now outright conflict. Replacement ambassadors have not been named or confirmed, leaving charg\u00e9s d\u2019affaires in place. In the diplomatic world, rank matters, and a charg\u00e9 d\u2019affaires simply doesn\u2019t have the gravitas required to conduct negotiations effectively.<\/p>\n

\u201c[There are] more than 100 countries out there where our senior diplomats \u2026 don\u2019t have all the tools that they need in the form of diplomatic rank or accreditation,\u201d Dinkelman said. \u201cThere\u2019s no reason for that.\u201d<\/p>\n

That environment leads to lower-level officers passing the buck up when it comes to issues on the ground, consolidating foreign-policy decisions at the top because they fear the consequences of making the \u201cwrong\u201d decision.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere\u2019s functionally no foreign policymaking process anymore, in a way that involves any counterweight to these personalistic relationships with the president,\u201d the former Foreign Service officer said.<\/p>\n

Nowhere has that been more obvious than in Iran. After the success of the Maduro kidnapping, the administration became convinced that a regime change operation in Iran would be just as simple, so in the midst of indirect negotiations to limit Iran\u2019s ability to build a nuclear weapon, the U.S. started moving more materiel and military personnel to the region. It was the Miller doctrine in action: maximum aggression, with the belief that America can take whatever it wants.<\/p>\n

\u201cYou would think going into negotiations with Iran that that\u2019s the time to act again from a place of strength,\u201d said another former Foreign Service officer who served multiple foreign tours and whose name is being withheld to avoid retribution. \u201cWe\u2019ve had this maximum pressure campaign. The Iranian people are rising up. The proxies have retrenched or been destroyed, like it\u2019s the perfect opportunity to go in there, get some concessions, come up with a good deal.\u201d<\/p>\n

Instead, despite battering Iran with around a thousand Tomahawk cruise missiles\u2014worth about $4 million each\u2014and killing Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and multiple members of Iran\u2019s political and military leadership, the U.S. is actually empowering the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Mafia-like military apparatus that wields enormous power over the Iranian regime, the second former Foreign Service officer said. \u201cThe leverage calculus started to shift very quickly when Iran was able to withstand so much pounding from high-intensity, very expensive, and very much in-demand weapon systems and wreak a decent amount of destruction across the region with much lower-cost versions. They very severely shifted the leverage away from the United States because it had, all of a sudden, expended a huge proportion of its military power for very little result.\u201d<\/p>\n

Indeed, as of this writing, Iran is not allowing free passage through the Strait of Hormuz, the crucial global shipping lane, and began charging vessels to navigate those waters. Rather than negotiate, the Trump administration initiated a blockade, hoping to squeeze the regime and all of Iran\u2019s citizens into surrender.<\/p>\n

Though U.S. and Israeli attacks have certainly caused damage in Iran, they haven\u2019t actually achieved any of the Trump administration\u2019s stated objectives. Instead of regime change, access to Iranian oil, and an end to nuclear enrichment, the war has alienated American voters, Iranian citizens, and nearly all of America\u2019s allies and partners.<\/p>\n

The war on Iran endangered much of the world, physically, economically, or both, for no obvious reason. That\u2019s the difference between force and outright bullying; the latter implies some level of cruelty and incompetence, neither of which are qualities one seeks in an ally. Most long-term allies and partners, frustrated by threats to NATO by attacking Greenland and monthslong tariff wars, have refused to support the U.S. operation or efforts to secure safe passage along the Strait of Hormuz. America will have to go it alone.<\/p>\n

MILLER\u2019S HOBBESIAN WORLDVIEW<\/strong> has accelerated the demise of America\u2019s image as a credible and useful partner, inasmuch as that existed following the war on terror and former President Joe Biden\u2019s support for the Gaza genocide. The damage that he and the rest of the administration have done on the global stage will take years and enormous effort to undo.<\/p>\n

But the foreign policy and domestic policy feed and reinforce each other; consider the fact that Kristi Noem, right after she was dismissed as homeland security secretary, was appointed the U.S. special envoy for the Shield of the Americas.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe way I view [Miller\u2019s] influence on foreign policy, it\u2019s not really about the foreign policy, it\u2019s about how foreign policy can be used domestically,\u201d Johnston said. \u201cIt\u2019s not really about the hemisphere at all, per se, other than its effect on the U.S. It helps him advance his agendas domestically,\u201d particularly mass deportations.<\/p>\n

Approaching the midterms and looking forward to 2028, Americans will need to seriously consider how to remedy the damage that Miller and this administration have wrought on us, and the rest of the world, Sheline said.<\/p>\n

\u201cMy hope is that \u2026 there will be some kind of demand for accountability, a more robust system of international law,\u201d Sheline told the Prospect<\/em>. \u201cBecause the alternative is, we just kind of throw out the Geneva Conventions, or other aspects of international law, and then it\u2019s like, OK, so do we want to live in that world?\u201d<\/p>\n

Read more Will Congress Pass the Housing Bill?<\/a><\/p>\n

This article appears in Jun 2026 issue.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n


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