{"id":566,"date":"2026-08-05T09:07:46","date_gmt":"2026-08-05T09:07:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=566"},"modified":"2026-08-05T09:07:46","modified_gmt":"2026-08-05T09:07:46","slug":"in-latin-america-trump-is-bringing-back-that-old-time-imperialism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=566","title":{"rendered":"In Latin America, Trump Is Bringing Back That Old-Time Imperialism"},"content":{"rendered":"
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The leaks could have been one of the biggest international scandals of the century. But in a world where every information zone is flooded with a barrage of digital detritus and slop, it barely pierced the regular news cycle.<\/p>\n

Read more Michigan\u2019s Democratic Primary Could Hinge on Black Voters<\/a><\/p>\n

This past April, a consortium of anonymous journalists working in partnership with the Spanish newsroom Canal RED released an unheralded project called Hondurasgate: 37 phone conversations mined from WhatsApp, Signal, and Telegram calls, taking place mainly in late 2025 and early 2026, wherein former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hern\u00e1ndez plots to assassinate or jail his political opponents, expand economic zones free of government oversight, build a state-of-the-art U.S. military base, bribe elected officials, finance right-wing propaganda outlets with public funds, and, eventually, return himself to office.<\/p>\n

More from Caleb Brennan<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Such actions, according to Hern\u00e1ndez, were part of a larger blueprint organized by Donald Trump and his henchmen to not only regain American supremacy over the tiny Central American country but also remake the entire region.<\/p>\n

The details are like something out of a John le Carr\u00e9 paperback. One audio clip reveals Hern\u00e1ndez proclaiming that the broader purpose of Trump\u2019s pardon of Hern\u00e1ndez after he was convicted of conspiring to traffic 400 tons of cocaine, among other crimes, was to help organize cross-border opposition to Latin America\u2019s left-wing governments.<\/p>\n

\u201cAnd I need that liquidity because we\u2019re going to set up an office here. With support from some in the Republic, we can attack and eliminate the cancer of the left in Honduras and all of Latin America. I was telling [current Honduran] President Asfura that we managed to speak with [Argentine President] Javier Milei, and that he\u2019s also going to contribute $350,000,\u201d Hern\u00e1ndez tells Honduran Vice President Mar\u00eda Antonieta Mej\u00eda S\u00e1nchez. \u201cAnother great friend of ours from Mexico is also contributing, just for the Mexican angle. We\u2019re practically ready and waiting for this to move forward with full force.\u201d<\/p>\n

In another file, Hern\u00e1ndez explains to Asfura that none other than Benjamin Netanyahu largely orchestrated his pardon. \u201cThe Israeli prime minister is going to support us. We\u2019re very grateful to him; they played a key role. In fact, they were decisive in my release and in the negotiations,\u201d Hernandez can be heard saying.<\/p>\n

But Hondurasgate, which its detractors have falsely claimed was concocted using AI, demonstrates that this is only the beginning of the global right\u2019s machinations in the Western Hemisphere. At the beginning of 2026, Hondurasgate would have seemed likely to backfire on the Latin American right: The Trump administration was well into its Caribbean bombing campaign and had kicked off the new year by extrajudicially arresting Venezuelan President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro.<\/p>\n

Yet as international attention has shifted toward the war in Iran, a more grim reality is setting in. A relentless embargo of Cuba has the island on the brink of economic collapse, if not starvation. Reactionary governments have already surged in El Salvador, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Argentina, and have since been joined by their counterparts in Costa Rica, Honduras, and Chile. This June, both the Peruvian and Colombian right were able to retake power\u2014the latter with a mercurial, Trump-backed outsider. With an upcoming election in Brazil, the Trump administration is eager to see the most potent South American state undergo a similar political transformation.<\/p>\n

And to the satisfaction of Secretary of State Marco Rubio\u2014who appears to be spearheading this reimagining\u2014a mosaic of the most regressive leadership Latin America has seen in a generation has come into focus. They seem poised to undo decades of progressive policies, redistributive politics, the inauguration of social rights, and environmental regulation. The damage could take a decade or more to repair.<\/p>\n

U.S. INTERFERENCE IN LATIN AMERICAN<\/strong> politics is hardly novel. Since the very founding of the United States, its governments have tended to assert that the entire Western Hemisphere is America\u2019s neocolonial possession. If anything, the recent Pink Tide\u2014the period of left-wing populism in Central and South America that came about at the beginning of the 21st century\u2014is a historical anomaly. From the Monroe Doctrine of the 19th century; the counterinsurgency doctrines created after World War II; the brutal, CIA-trained death squads that terrorized opposition parties in the 1970s and \u201980s during Operation Condor; and the hard austerity politics of the neoliberal era at the end of the millennium, right-wing, America-backed governance has been the overwhelming Latin American status quo since the excising of the Spanish Empire.<\/p>\n

The Biden administration was something of an about-face, with CIA Director Bill Burns intervening in Brazil to prevent a right-wing coup rather than start one. But Trump\u2019s National Security Council has gone back to imperialist basics, that \u201c[a]fter years of neglect, the United States will reassert and enforce the Monroe Doctrine to restore American preeminence in the Western Hemisphere, and to protect our homeland and our access to key geographies throughout the region.\u201d<\/p>\n

This enforcement presumably includes destroying the Latin American left. Indeed, this new collection of recalcitrant administrations is rooted in retrograde, Cold War ideals. From Chile\u2019s freshly inaugurated president and Pinochet admirer Jos\u00e9 Antonio Kast to the comically absurd Milei in Argentina, nostalgia and revisionism abound when it comes to the era of American-backed dictatorships and paramilitary violence. And such sentiments align nicely with Marco Rubio\u2019s political raison d\u2019\u00eatre<\/em>: liberating both continents, and particularly Cuba, from the supposed shadow of socialism, even though the dread threat of Soviet communism has been gone for almost 30 years.<\/p>\n

\u201cHe really believed that Venezuela and Argentina and Brazil and Colombia should be great countries, and that they should be staunchly anti-Communist,\u201d a source once close to Rubio told The New Yorker<\/em>. \u201cThey should be the engines of a reinvigorated South America.\u201d<\/p>\n

In practical terms, this first means prying open Latin America\u2019s economy. The contemporary conservatives in the region, along with their U.S. backers, seem especially keen on reversing the social democratic reforms that came to dominate Latin American politics during the Pink Tide. As the Hondurasgate recordings indicate, this means dismantling many of the nationalization and regulation efforts that left-wing administrations pursued. These efforts were not particularly revolutionary or even radical\u2014Norway did much the same thing when it discovered oil in the 1960s\u2014but international business and reactionary activists alike castigated them as a slow-motion Marxist apocalypse.<\/p>\n

We are already seeing the consequences of a reimagined South America in Venezuela, wherein American oil companies are scrambling to get in on the action, and the economic siege of Cuba has compelled it to adopt free-market reforms. In the Hondurasgate files, Hern\u00e1ndez emphasizes that the incoming regime must embolden Employment and Economic Development Zones (ZEDEs)\u2014essentially libertarian city-states where foreign capital could operate unabated.<\/p>\n

It is these material interests that color the Trump administration\u2019s vision for Latin America: a crude mixture of banana republic economics, goon-squad psychology, and imperial revanchism operated through comprador local politicians like Hern\u00e1ndez. Under the auspices of fighting international cartels and combating Chinese influence, the president has sought to revive the old-school mano dura<\/em> (\u201ciron fist\u201d) authoritarianism in the region by dressing it up as a matter of national security and global commerce.<\/p>\n

This approach to foreign policy has been manifested specifically with the creation of the Shield of the Americas (AC3), a burgeoning axis of Latin American countries that, like Trump\u2019s Board of Peace, is designed to undermine and ultimately supplant pre-existing international bodies like the Organization of American States (OAS). AC3 is, in the words of Rubio, meant to \u201cadvance strategies that stop foreign interference in our hemisphere, criminal and narco-terrorist gangs and cartels, and illegal and mass immigration.\u201d Comprising 12 states ruled by right-wing governments, the AC3 naturally does not include Latin American countries with left-wing heads of state like Nicaragua, Cuba, Mexico, and Brazil\u2014yet.<\/p>\n

In effect, AC3 will embolden this far-right coalition to ignore previous cooperations that centered, however ineffectually, on human rights\u2014especially as it relates to state violence and repression. Conversely, AC3 seeks to remix predecessors such as Plan Colombia and the M\u00e9rida Initiative, security partnerships in which the U.S. spent billions to militarize the police forces of Colombia and Mexico, respectively. The problem is that U.S. investment into a similar program would run up against Trump\u2019s \u201cAmerica First\u201d agenda. Until American dollars start backing up AC3, social austerity and foreign investment for multinationals will have to serve as a proxy source for funding.<\/p>\n

Read more Republican Senators Pretend to Constrain Trump<\/a><\/p>\n

Regardless, AC3\u2019s broader ideological function seems to be pantomiming these hyper-violent models to every partner: Both Plan Colombia and M\u00e9rida resulted in of civilian deaths and human rights abuses, while drug cartels continued operating, and in many cases became more violent. Additionally, these remnants of both the global war on drugs and the global war on terror proved useful not only in emboldening right-wing paramilitary forces but also in allowing larger domestic firms and foreign capital to Latin American markets.<\/p>\n

In practice, AC3 will mean that the Department of State will not be the primary mediator of foreign policy in Latin America, but rather the Defense Department. For example, instead of interfacing with Ecuador through the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth recently with Ecuador\u2019s president, Daniel Noboa. Ecuadorian voters ultimately rejected Noboa\u2019s venture to build a new U.S. military base in the country. This dynamic portends deeper military incursions into Latin America: U.S. and Ecuadorian military forces recently conducted operations against cartels designated as Foreign Terrorist Organizations.<\/p>\n

\u201cThat\u2019s why we\u2019re seeing an uptick in very great human rights violations in the entire region, because the trend is always that you have militarization, and once you have militarization, this inevitably will lead to other human rights violations,\u201d Daniel Noro\u00f1a, Amnesty International\u2019s Americas advocacy director, said. \u201cSo once you have a militarization process and you have arbitrary detentions, extrajudicial executions, forced disappearances, and so on.\u201d<\/p>\n

Left unsaid in the AC3 alliance is how such agreements, which are framed around countering so-called \u201cnarco-terrorism,\u201d can be weaponized against political opponents. In the modern Latin American context, this manifests in the criminalization, abduction, and debanking of groups that are hostile to Trump-friendly regimes\u2014such as human rights defenders, indigenous leaders, and trade union organizers.<\/p>\n

Further entrenching the militarization of Latin America is the spread of the so-called \u201cBukele model.\u201d Since 2019, El Salvador President Nayib Bukele\u2019s innovative take on the strongman routine has become the envy of the Latin American right. Following a breakdown in backroom diplomacy between the administration and the country\u2019s most dominant cartels in 2022, the constitution was suspended, and Bukele empowered his security forces to arrest close to 2 percent of the country\u2019s population. The ensuing steep decline in the country\u2019s homicide rate, which has supposedly fallen by almost 99 percent, gave Bukele unprecedented popularity, allowed him to marginalize or imprison his left-wing opposition completely, and allowed U.S. investment to flow into the country. That then permitted him to pursue an illegal second term unabated.<\/p>\n

Trump, Bukele\u2019s reactionary peers, and even the then left-wing president of Honduras, Xiomara Castro, took notice\u2014though the states of exception more recently imposed in Honduras and Ecuador have seen more . More recently, Bolivian president Rodrigo Paz declared a state of emergency after indigenous protesters engaged in strikes and blockades of major cities.<\/p>\n

But it is Ecuador\u2019s Noboa who is most keen on mirroring Bukele. However, a similarly brutal response to Ecuador\u2019s skyrocketing cartel violence has not worked. The homicide rate remains sky-high, and Noboa\u2019s popularity, which was once at Bukele-like levels, has collapsed. In turn, he\u2019s declared martial law for months at a time to maintain control. Forced disappearances, prison massacres, and the assassination of indigenous leaders have followed. This, of course, hasn\u2019t stopped Noboa, who, like Juan Orlando Hern\u00e1ndez, has blatant ties to drug traffickers, from becoming a vital ally of the Trump administration.<\/p>\n

\u201cI think those kinds of botched operations, incompetence, lack of results on the ground, broken promises, all those kinds of things are starting to take a toll,\u201d Guillaume Long, the former minister of foreign affairs of Ecuador under former President Rafael Correa, told me. \u201cIn fact, in many regards, he\u2019s been saved by Trump.\u201d<\/p>\n

If other Latin American leaders can\u2019t replicate Bukele\u2019s apparent results on crime, they can at least copy the crown jewel of Bukele\u2019s crackdown: the Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (CECOT). This maximum-security prison\u2014perhaps better called a torture dungeon\u2014gained international attention for the draconian treatment of prisoners and its utility as a propaganda tool, leading the Trump administration to throw a collection of deportees into CECOT\u2019s abyss to have some abuse to broadcast on television.<\/p>\n

Now, the ground has been laid in Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Honduras, and Peru for the construction of their own CECOT-style facilities, with Bukele also serving as a key adviser for Bolivia\u2019s \u201cprison reform.\u201d Bukele was even the headline speaker for the ribbon-cutting of Costa Rica\u2019s CECOT. \u201cEverything we did in CECOT will be replicated in the Costa Rican version,\u201d Bukele said at the grand opening.<\/p>\n

Regardless of whether or not Bukele\u2019s model can be perfectly retrofitted to other Latin American governments, the systemization of Bukele\u2019s signature policy across the Americas augurs an unkind future: one wherein securitization becomes the primary weapon for displacing social resistance to austerity\u2014and, most urgently, curtailing what\u2019s left of the Pink Tide\u2019s once-dominant politics.<\/p>\n

FOR ALL THE BAD NEWS<\/strong>, this reactionary alignment should be seen as an opportunity as well. The success that the Latin American left had in alleviating poverty is undeniable; the matter of domestic security remained elusive. Progressive parties have been unable to reassure constituents that they\u2019d be able to tackle the consistently pressing issue of criminal violence. Yes, homicide did decline across the region over the past decade, but voters demonstrably still felt victimized by the power of cartels.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe left never was able to figure out that puzzle; they were never really able to address questions of criminality, of rehabilitation, of reassertion, of gang demobilization, you know, questions of the residue of arms that just exist in Central America and elsewhere,\u201d Jorge Cu\u00e9llar, an assistant professor of Latin American, Latino, and Caribbean studies at Dartmouth, said.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt invested in things like social rights and women\u2019s health, in schools and cultural centers and all of that, but sort of the immediate issues of criminality, extortion, homicide, etc., it had nothing but tried-and-true militarism and policing.\u201d<\/p>\n

Even the Pink Tide\u2019s most public face, Brazilian President Lula da Silva, resorted to his own lackluster brand of mano dura<\/em> politics. And when later Pink Tide leaders like Mexico\u2019s Andr\u00e9s Manuel L\u00f3pez Obrador tried to reconcile the matter by allowing military and policing institutions to continue wielding influence, this ultimately undermined his Morena party\u2019s social democratic aspirations. While this hasn\u2019t deterred the Mexican electorate from embracing Obrador\u2019s successor, Claudia Sheinbaum, it hasn\u2019t paid off in other races. Much like when Kamala Harris tried to convince moderates that she was a hard-nosed proponent of tough-on-migration policies, most Latin American voters simply have not been able to buy into the left\u2019s lackluster criminal justice bona fides.<\/p>\n

Now, as the Pink Tide seemingly recedes into an ocean of obscurity, movement leaders on the Latin American left will have to reckon with the right\u2019s insurgent, internationally minded movement with a counterattack. Otherwise, the cruel legacies of the Monroe Doctrine and the Cold War will not be bygone history, but reference points for a new chapter of reactionary domination.<\/p>\n

Read more Frances Perkins: The Architect of Social Security<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n


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\u2018Hondurasgate\u2019 exposed a plan to boost far-right American puppets across the Western Hemisphere.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":565,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[43],"tags":[277],"class_list":["post-566","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-america-and-the-world","tag-tagged-america-and-the-world-central-america-criminal-justice-donald-trump-foreign-policy-honduras-incarceration-juan-orlando-hernandez-latin-america"],"yoast_head":"\nIn Latin America, Trump Is Bringing Back That Old-Time Imperialism - Frontier Housing Report<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=566\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"In Latin America, Trump Is Bringing Back That Old-Time Imperialism - 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