{"id":546,"date":"2026-08-01T09:38:01","date_gmt":"2026-08-01T09:38:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=546"},"modified":"2026-08-01T09:38:01","modified_gmt":"2026-08-01T09:38:01","slug":"hubert-harrison-the-greatest-civil-rights-activist-youve-never-heard-of","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=546","title":{"rendered":"Hubert Harrison, the Greatest Civil Rights Activist You\u2019ve Never Heard Of"},"content":{"rendered":"<article>\n<div>\n<p>Understanding history is tricky. Classes in grade school are generally uneven and whitewashed, if not outright sanitized. Fewer and fewer students are studying it in college at all. Textbooks focus on a select few figures who are painted as defining social movements, particularly those who are looked back on as favorable, or even palatable. In many cases, the more revolutionary commitments of America\u2019s greatest trailblazers are often reduced to a footnote, if not omitted completely. I myself encountered this phenomenon recently when I was working on my contribution to the <em>Prospect<\/em> Patriots issue, a profile of Ida B. Wells (1862-1931), one of the country\u2019s first muckrakers and a courageous civil rights activist.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=544\">Trump\u2019s Dwindling Power<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Wells did more than just report on lynchings and use her findings to inspire her advocacy for social justice. She was a founding member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), but left the organization in part because of her insistence that centering the worthiness and potential of working-class Black people should be a top priority. At the time, leaders like W.E.B. Du Bois thought that if a select number of educated Black people were empowered, the race could be advanced under their guidance. This part of Wells\u2019s story is often discounted in any retellings.<\/p>\n<p><strong><em>More from Naomi Bethune<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Such developments made me wonder what others were omitted, and furthermore, what people were reduced to no more than a mention. If the more radical bits of the most famous American activists rarely are understood, then what about those who dedicated their entire lives to confronting systems of oppression in innovative, and often unpalatable, ways? Hubert Harrison (1883-1927) is one of those people. It wasn\u2019t until this past June that I learned who Harrison was, after attending the Caribbean Philosophical Association\u2019s 2026 Annual Conference. Brian Kwoba, an associate professor of history at the University of Memphis, won the Frantz Fanon Outstanding Book Award for his recent publication, <em>Hubert Harrison: Forbidden Genius of Black Radicalism<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Kwoba\u2019s treatment of Harrison\u2019s life and philosophy is an intellectual history of a man who was a radical journalist, educator, leftist, and freethinker. Harrison was involved in various social movements, contributing to their success, while challenging the ruling beliefs and structures. He left a mark on the Harlem Renaissance, the American Socialist Party, and was a fierce advocate for internationalism, amongst dozens of other commitments. His unbridled radicalism shaped history, but his name has remained relatively unknown. Our particular political moment has created an important space to understand the contours of Harrison\u2019s worldview and activities.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cI hope readers will take away an expanded sense of possibility,\u201d says Kwoba. \u201cOne of the beautiful things about history is that oftentimes we don\u2019t know what we\u2019ve achieved in the past, and that limits our horizons for what we can achieve in the future. By learning what Hubert Harrsison achieved in the early 20th century, a sense of possibility for the kind of social movements, the kind of political visions, and liberation politics that we can build today.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Naomi Bethune: You call Harrison a \u201ccrystallizer.\u201d What does that mean, and how did he earn that title?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Brian Kwoba:<\/strong> No one can do everything, but everyone can do something. We all have different paths in life. We all have different contributions we can make to the world in which we find ourselves, and the quote about Harrison as a \u201ccrystallizer\u201d actually came from Hodge Kirnon, a Harlem activist and prot\u00e9g\u00e9 of Harrison, who described Harrison as the one who crystallized the radicalism of Black New Yorkers. I found that such an apt metaphor because a crystal is something that chemists work hard to synthesize, and once they have a breakthrough, the new crystal they synthesize can become of the seed form for the proliferation of new structures much more easily. Harrison was like that. He would crystallize and create new ideas, new organizations, and new political formulations that then had this ripple effect, including on the evolution of socialist, secular humanist, Black nationalist, pan-African, and free love politics.<\/p>\n<p><strong>What organizing did Harrison do within the Socialist Party? What were his contributions and relationship to the movement?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Harrison made a number of contributions to the socialist cause, both at a theoretical and practical level. In the realm of theory, he writes the series of articles on the Negro and socialism, which ranks among the first systematic analyses of the relationship between race and class politics in the United States by a secular Black socialist. Harrison\u2019s basic argument was that Black communities are the most working-class communities in the country, thanks to the history of slavery and the fact that most people of African descent were brought here as enslaved people to do work. Therefore a party claiming to stand for the emancipation of the working class had to champion their cause and had to place the concerns of this most working-class element in the country at the center of its analysis. Capitalism was using racial oppression and anti-Black racism to divide the working class, and to prevent the kind of laboring-class solidarity that would threaten the system, in his view. Thus, socialists should oppose racism as something that was holding back the struggle for socialism and for working-class emancipation alike. At a practical level he founded Colored Socialist Club in Harlem, which is the first official Black-led party formation designed specifically to recruit Black workers and organizers to the Socialist Party by speaking to their special conditions and unique experience of disfranchisement, lynching, segregation, and other forms of racial oppression in the Jim Crow era.<\/p>\n<p>Unfortunately, the white, moderate, and middle-class party leadership did not appreciate or understand why this mattered. There\u2019s a great quote that applies here, which goes, \u201cTo those accustomed to privilege, equality feels like oppression.\u201d For a party leadership that was accustomed to all the privileges of whiteness, this newfound drive for bringing Black people into the party on an equal footing with white people felt like oppression, and they moved against Harrison. He understood that this was, as he put it, a \u201ccontemptible form of persecution,\u201d and he ultimately had to part ways with the Socialist Party due to their intransigence. I think the key lesson he drew was that if white socialists, much like white liberals and conservatives, are not interested in racial equality, then Black folks needed to rely only on themselves and not on any kind of white political formation, no matter how supposedly \u201cradical\u201d it was.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Harrison was instrumental in transforming the \u201cBlack press.\u201d How did his actions influence journalism in the early 1900s?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s an exciting period of history, in the sense that, alongside the so-called Great Migration, when African Americans from the South are moving North, African Americans in Northern small towns are also moving to Northern urban centers (oftentimes fleeing anti-Black pogroms and massacres), and these newly urbanizing Black communities are rapidly gaining access to education and literacy. The number of Black folks that are reading newspapers is on the rise as the early 20th century is unfolding, and this creates a market for a whole number of new publications, including Black newspapers. That said, there\u2019s a struggle over what the Black press would say, what it would mean, what it would represent. By the time you get to the World War I era, you do have a number of Black newspapers and magazines, including the NAACP\u2019s famous magazine, <em>The Crisis<\/em>, edited by W.E.B. Du Bois. Harrison sees a need for something, as he put it, \u201cmore radical than the NAACP.\u201d He sees the need for a Black newspaper that would be more radical than the <em>Crisis<\/em> magazine, that would be more radical than <em>Chicago Defender<\/em> or the <em>Amsterdam News<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=542\">Top Farmworker Fear Is Family Separation<\/a><\/p>\n<p>In 1917, he founds <em>The Voice<\/em>, as the organ of his grassroots pan-Africanist organization, the Liberty League of Negro-Americans. This inspires a range of Black radical papers like the Black socialist <em>Messenger<\/em>, Marcus Garvey\u2019s <em>Negro World<\/em>, and Cyril Briggs\u2019s Black communist <em>Crusader<\/em>. By 1920, Garvey taps Harrison to edit his newspaper, because of Harrison\u2019s experience as a journalist, as a newspaper editor, and the crystallizer of Harlem\u2019s radicalism. The <em>Negro World<\/em> reaches a circulation of tens of thousands under Harrison\u2019s watch, and he redesigns the paper. There\u2019s a whole period of sort of Black journalistic innovation that is going on in Harlem in the 1910s and \u201920s, which Harrison is at the center of, and does some groundbreaking work to lead by example in that field.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Harrison was heavily involved in doing anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, and race-conscious work, which served as the basis for his theory of \u201ccolored internationalism.\u201d How did his engagement in this movement deviate from his peers?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>I think Harrison\u2019s internationalism\u2014apart from himself being an international immigrant\u2014was really shaped by his experience in the Socialist Party, because the Socialist Party on paper was an internationalist party. Harrison has learned from the sort of internationalism of the socialist left, but he\u2019s race-conscious, and he\u2019s realizing that the First World War is also, as he put it, a \u201cwhite world war.\u201d In short, the warring countries were all white imperial powers fighting over who would be the dominant force in the world, meaning who would have the most colonies in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean. In response, Harrison calls for a \u201cColored International.\u201d Unlike the \u201cCommunist International,\u201d which collected the Communist parties primarily within the white world, the Colored International was designed to bring all the colonized people, the \u201cdarker races\u201d of the world, into a global alliance against capitalist imperialism, which, according to Harrison, \u201cmercilessly exploits the darker races for its own financial purposes.\u201d By being both anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, <em>and<\/em> for racial justice, Harrison\u2019s \u201ccolored\u201d internationalism stood in contrast to almost every other formulation of internationalism that\u2019s on offer in the immediate postwar moment.<\/p>\n<p><strong>What was the \u201cNew Negro\u201d movement, and how was Harrison involved in it?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>The early 20th century was a time of rapid industrial expansion and technological and economic power for the U.S. There\u2019s talk of a \u201cnew freedom,\u201d which was a slogan Woodrow Wilson was using to campaign with, and a book that he wrote about the expansion of democracy thanks to the expansion of the industrial economy. The talk of a \u201cNew Negro\u201d was part of this milieu as the Wilson administration is entering the First World War supposedly to \u201cmake the world safe for democracy.\u201d But there\u2019s wanton destruction, millions of lives lost and entire countries and economies destroyed, which precipitates a world revolution and political awakening symbolized not just by the Russian Revolution, but by anti-colonial rebellions throughout Africa, the Caribbean, and in Asia. Harrison is conscious of all these developments, and he\u2019s at the forefront of building the \u201cNew Negro\u201d in Harlem by founding the Liberty League and by establishing the <em>Voice<\/em> newspaper. These were the first organizational and journalistic expressions of this movement, which symbolized the African American segment of a global political awakening.<\/p>\n<p>There\u2019s this massive awakening and political radicalization that the \u201cNew Negro\u201d movement was meant to describe in Harrison\u2019s day, and even postwar U.S. military intelligence reports are alarmed at the emergence of a \u201cNew Negro\u201d that, in their view, is fighting for rights and dignity, and willing to use force if necessary to achieve them. Harrison helped create a culture that could facilitate Black intellectual and political awakening within and beyond Harlem, a development that would eventually get reframed and repackaged as a \u201cNegro Renaissance\u201d by Alain Locke, who laid the foundation for the narrative we know as the \u201cHarlem Renaissance\u201d of arts and culture in the 1920s. But it was really much deeper than that. Locke\u2019s \u201crenaissance\u201d framework was in many ways a neutering of the politically radical and militant New Negro that emerged in the context of the war, including the growth of Black socialists, Black communists, Garveyists, free lovers, freethinkers, and other Black radicals.<\/p>\n<p><strong>In Harlem, Harrison was known for his informal style of educating, a practice that you call \u201cOutdoor Grioversity.\u201d What is that, and how does it reflect his relationship to education?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Harrison had a genius-level intellect, and he read multiple books a day, so he developed encyclopedic knowledge in a short span of time. He also believed that this knowledge should be shared with the people and reach the people. It shouldn\u2019t just be cloistered in the ivory tower. The most common way that people experienced Harrison was as a street-corner speaker. Harrison is a trailblazer in the art of \u201cstepladder oratory,\u201d where he would literally speak to audiences large enough to block traffic, and on a whole range of different subjects: everything from ancient African history to global geopolitics, to religion and science, and technology to sexuality and racial psychology. Some Harlemites called this tradition of street-corner speaking that Harrison is helping to inaugurate an \u201coutdoor university\u201d because of the high level of knowledge and education that one could receive listening to these stepladder orators. I remixed this descriptor as \u201cOutdoor Grioversity\u201d because I wanted to bring in the West African element, the oral call-and-response tradition of the \u201cgriot,\u201d which is in West African cultures someone in the community who is an orator and a historian and a knowledge-keeper and oftentimes a musician or a poet or a public performer of some kind as well.<\/p>\n<p>The Outdoor Grioversity is a truly revolutionary and innovative model of education, because it stood in such stark contrast to the industrial education of Booker T. Washington and the Tuskegee Institute\u2013style schools that were basically trade school\u2013level education for Black communities. It also stood in contrast to the liberal arts tradition of W.E.B. Du Bois, who is Harvard-educated, and throughout the 1920s focused on empowering a \u201ctalented tenth\u201d of folks like him who had access to the Harvards of the world, which most Black communities did not. Harrison\u2019s model of education is truly grassroots education. It\u2019s a pedagogy of the oppressed. Before radio, TV, and the internet, Black communities cohered through a very oral culture, and the Outdoor Grioversity was educating working-class Black people and opening minds in ways that had never been done before.<\/p>\n<p><strong>What is \u201cBlack free love politics,\u201d and what was Harrison\u2019s understanding of gender expression and sexuality?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Harrison was one of, if not the first, Black figure in U.S. history to denounce church and state repression of sexuality, to give a public-facing lecture series on sex education, to call for decriminalizing access to contraception, and also to explicitly defend free love in part on the grounds that we\u2019re not monogamous by nature, in his view, but instead that we were living under a regime of compulsory monogamy because of the church, state, and the needs of capitalists. There\u2019s a whole strand of radical white women\u2019s advocates who were talking about free love and who were rejecting monogamy as the be-all, end-all format for personal romantic and sexual relations. Harrison is learning from the white sex radical tradition, but he\u2019s also synthesizing and integrating it with other cultural influences, like his African roots. African communities and Black communities in the United States never had placed monogamy at the center of their universe. You had polygamy in Africa, both in Islamic and non-Islamic contexts, but then under slavery the nuclear family was an impossibility, because enslaved people could be bought and sold at any moment. There was no such thing as a sort of model nuclear family. He was able to connect capitalism and colonialism and white supremacy and Christianity to compulsory monogamy, and seeing these all part of one package deal, which was sort of shaping the way people could relate based on a very narrow set of interests and not something that was contributing to human liberation. His interest in the free love movement is part of his interest in human liberation more generally, because I think he realized that you can\u2019t have economic liberation or political liberation without sexual liberation.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Why is it important to understand Harrison\u2019s intellectual contributions today?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>All of the structural injustices that Harrison was fighting against, we\u2019re still living with today. They were called \u201crobber barons\u201d in Harrison\u2019s day; now we call them billionaire oligarchs. Harrison dealt with a virulent racial supremacy of lynching and white racist pogroms during the Jim Crow era; we still have a lot of white nationalism in the country today that\u2019s directed against Black folks and immigrants from ICE, and I think there are key lessons to learn from the generations of people who fought these forces that came before us. Otherwise, we end up either reinventing the wheel, or make some of those same mistakes by our ignorance or disavowal of some of the hard-won lessons that history has to offer us. I think Harrison remains relevant today because he was ahead of his time, and because he developed and crystallized some truly visionary solutions to the problems of capitalism and imperialism and racism and so many other injustices that are interlinked and continuing to damage and retraumatize the world today.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=540\">Ida Tarbell: The Journalist Who Took Down Rockefeller<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p><!-- .entry-content --><br \/>\n<!-- .entry-footer --><br \/>\n<!-- .author-bio --><br \/>\n<\/article>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A Q&amp;A with Brian Kwoba, author of Hubert Harrison: Forbidden Genius of Black Radicalism<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":545,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[265],"tags":[266],"class_list":["post-546","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-civil-rights-in-america","tag-tagged-books-books-culture-the-arts-civil-rights-in-america-media-race-ethnicity-socialism"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - 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