{"id":520,"date":"2026-07-29T09:38:15","date_gmt":"2026-07-29T09:38:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=520"},"modified":"2026-07-29T09:38:15","modified_gmt":"2026-07-29T09:38:15","slug":"ida-b-wells-brave-woman","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/frontierhousingreport.com\/?p=520","title":{"rendered":"Ida B. Wells: Brave Woman"},"content":{"rendered":"
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This article appears in the\u00a0August 2026 issue of<\/em>\u00a0The American Prospect magazine.<\/em> If you\u2019d like to receive our next issue in your mailbox, please subscribe here.<\/em><\/p>\n

Read more The Big Beautiful Bill\u2019s Market-Based Health Care Delusion<\/a><\/p>\n

At the age of 27, when Ida B. Wells first began editing and writing for the Free Speech and Headlight<\/em> newspaper in Memphis, Tennessee, she encountered a preacher whose rhetoric was less than pious. Wells detailed in her posthumous autobiography Crusade for Justice<\/em> that the unnamed reverend had decided that \u201cmorally there were no virtuous southern girls.\u201d He had specifically pointed to how Wells had recently been fired from her schoolteacher position. But this termination was not motivated by Wells\u2019s inability to educate her students; rather it was the result of an editorial she had published detailing the dreadful conditions for Black children in the Memphis public school system.<\/p>\n

More from Naomi Bethune<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

When a family friend told Wells about the preacher\u2019s comments, she immediately requested an audience. Wells traveled to Vicksburg, Mississippi, and confronted the reverend face-to-face. \u201cHe acknowledged that he had made the derogatory remarks, but added that he had only told it to my close friends. He realized his error and he begged pardon and stood ready to make amends,\u201d Wells noted in Crusade for Justice<\/em>. At Wells\u2019s request, he apologized for his attempt to defame her from his pulpit the following Sunday, reading a statement that Wells herself penned.<\/p>\n

\u201cI could have denounced him in my paper and made him even more unpopular than he was. I could have sued him in the courts; but feeling that he had been taught his lesson, I let the matter drop,\u201d Wells wrote. \u201cI felt that I had vindicated the honor of the many southern girls who had been traduced by lying tongues.\u201d Her decision to hold the preacher accountable for his sexist, defamatory remarks was reflective of her approach to life: One must act to defeat perceived injustice, no matter how difficult.<\/p>\n

Wells was born into slavery in Holly Springs, Mississippi, in July of 1862, three years before the end of the Civil War. Her mother was a skilled cook and her father was a respected carpenter; both involved themselves in Reconstruction politics after they were emancipated. They managed to ensure education for themselves and their children, encouraging Wells to read, write, and attend school. Tragically, both parents died in 1878 from yellow fever, leaving Wells orphaned and a guardian of her siblings at the age of 16.<\/p>\n

Over the next few years, Wells cared for her siblings while focusing on professional and academic interests. She took on teaching work near her hometown and later moved her family to Memphis to pursue a similar position. There, she became one of the first to legally challenge Jim Crow laws, which had begun cropping up in the South during Reconstruction.<\/p>\n

At the age of 21, Wells purchased a first-class ticket on the Chesapeake, Ohio and Southwest Railroad from Memphis to Woodstock, Tennessee, and sat down in the respective ladies\u2019 car. Instead of checking her ticket and moving on, the conductor ordered her to move to the second-class smoking car, which was mostly occupied by Black people. But Wells refused, and two additional railroad employees helped the conductor drag her into the smoking car, ripping her dress in the process. Instead of giving in, Wells opted to disembark, still holding on to her ticket. This was more than 70 years before Rosa Parks and the Montgomery bus boycott.<\/p>\n

When Wells returned to Memphis, she retained a lawyer and sued the railroad. The court awarded her $500 in damages, and the verdict ensured that all<\/em> railroads would have to offer first-class accommodations to Black passengers. The railroad appealed, and the Tennessee Supreme Court struck down the ruling, demonstrating that true racial equality in the post-Reconstruction period would be difficult to produce.<\/p>\n

After this incident, Wells began writing for the Black-owned local publication The Living Way<\/em> under the pseudonym \u201cIola,\u201d mostly focusing on issues facing Black Americans. Her stories quickly gained attention in the U.S. and internationally, leading her to be referred to as the \u201cPrincess of the Press.\u201d Soon after, in 1889, Wells became co-owner and editor of the Free Speech and Headlight<\/em>. It was there that she first became involved in investigative reporting and pushback against it, especially as she turned her attention to covering lynching.<\/p>\n

AS BLACK AMERICANS BEGAN<\/strong> to build economic and social mobility in the South after emancipation, white supremacists countered with racist violence. Between 1882 and 1968, nearly 5,000 lynchings occurred in the U.S., likely an undercount since these murders were not formally tracked or documented. Wells understood that terrorizing Black people was integral to the cultural fabric of the U.S., particularly in the South. Her commitment to reporting on the phenomenon was spurred on by the lynching of one of her close friends, Thomas Moss, in 1892.<\/p>\n

A popular man in the local Black community, Moss, along with his partners Calvin McDowell and William \u201cHenry\u201d Stewart, owned a shop named People\u2019s Grocery Company in the Curve, a neighborhood outside of Memphis. It was located in the same neighborhood as a white-owned grocery store, and was challenging its competitor\u2019s long-standing monopoly in the local economy. What started as an immature fight between Black and white children in the area escalated into accusations that the People\u2019s Grocery was a planning center for Black attacks against white residents.<\/p>\n

After a shoot-out between Black men guarding the People\u2019s Grocery from a white mob and a county sheriff backed by five deputized citizens, over a hundred Black people in the area were jailed, including Moss, McDowell, and Stewart. Not long after, they were dragged from their cells, brought to a railroad yard, and shot in cold blood. Local newspapers framed the lynchings as the natural result of Black people attempting to target white people. But Wells saw that portrayal as a farce, and set out to prove it.<\/p>\n

So began her commitment to investigative reporting, and her status as one of the United States\u2019 most important muckrakers. Armed with a pistol, Wells traveled the country, visiting sites of racialized violence and interviewing Black community members. Lynching, Wells concluded, was a systemic method of oppressing Black Americans in a post-slavery world. And false criminal accusations served to distract people from the deeper issues at hand.<\/p>\n

\u201cShe understood that lynching was more than the product of racial hatred,\u201d says Paula Giddings, professor emerita of Africana Studies at Smith College. \u201cIt was a means to publicly dishonor Blacks and thus exclude them from spheres of social, political, and especially economic influence.\u201d<\/p>\n

Indeed, Wells\u2019s investigations highlighted a pattern in which lynchings helped to ensure that Black Americans would remain economically subordinate to white people. It was a bloody pattern that occurred again in 1898, this time in the thriving, majority-Black city of Wilmington, North Carolina, where most shops and restaurants were Black-owned. White supremacists noted this prosperity, and began a smear campaign to force Republicans out of positions of political power.<\/p>\n

After a white suffragist named Rebecca Latimer Felton claimed in a speech that Black male rapists were a major threat to white women\u2019s safety, Alexander Manly, editor and owner of the Black-owned Wilmington Daily Record<\/em>, published a rebuttal. A massive white mob, already emboldened by a monthslong local white supremacist campaign, stormed Wilmington, destroying the Daily Record<\/em>\u2019s offices and then murdering dozens of innocent Black people.<\/p>\n

Hundreds of other Black residents were cast out of their homes, and local elected leaders were forced to resign. After the massacre, white people filled the jobs that Black people had once had. It was a devastating blow to a community that was building economic mobility, sparked by a local journalist\u2019s questioning of a racist conspiracy theory.<\/p>\n

Read more Organized Money: The Roll-Up of All Media Is No Longer Inevitable (with Adam Conover)<\/a><\/p>\n

At every turn, Wells faced serious danger, particularly in her home base of Memphis. Months after publishing her report on Moss\u2019s lynching in the Free Speech<\/em>, in which she quoted his final words (\u201cTell my people to go west, there is no justice here\u201d) and encouraged an economic boycott of white businesses, an angry white mob destroyed the publication\u2019s offices. Wells had just released an article that disputed the common claim that Black men raped white women as a rationale for lynchings, saying it was a \u201cthreadbare lie.\u201d Instead, she pointed to consensual relationships between white women and Black men as often being the true story. Fortunately, Wells was out of town at the time.<\/p>\n

Wells\u2019s life was threatened, and a price was put on her head. It would be 30 years before she could return to the South. Instead, Wells continued to travel, writing and speaking in both the U.S. and Europe about the unchecked horrors of lynching. She published two books, Southern Horrors<\/em> (1892) and A Red Record<\/em> (1895), which employed statistics, interviews, and narratives as documentary evidence. Included in Southern Horrors<\/em> is a letter sent to Wells by Frederick Douglass, whom she was close to, in which he called her a \u201cbrave woman\u201d for her coverage of lynching.<\/p>\n

\u201cLet me give you thanks for your faithful paper on the lynch abomination now generally practiced against colored people in the South. There has been no word equal to it in convincing power. I have spoken, but my word is feeble in comparison,\u201d Douglass wrote. \u201cYou give us what you know and testify from actual knowledge. You have dealt with the facts with cool, painstaking fidelity and left those naked and uncontradicted facts to speak for themselves \u2026 you have done your people and mine a service which can neither be weighed nor measured.\u201d<\/p>\n

IN 189<\/strong>3, WELLS SETTLED<\/strong> in Chicago. Soon after arriving, she met and married Ferdinand L. Barnett, an attorney and publisher of The Conservator<\/em>, Chicago\u2019s first Black newspaper. Their wedding was front-page news, as both Wells and Barnett were liked and respected figures in the civil rights community. They went on to have four children, but unlike other women of her age, Wells did not opt to become a homemaker; she continued her anti-lynching crusade and became more involved in the era\u2019s Progressive movements.<\/p>\n

Wells\u2019s background in reporting racist violence and advocating for the empowerment of Black Americans motivated her interest in civil rights organizing. In 1898, she was elected secretary and national organizer of the National Afro-American Council, a precursor to the NAACP.<\/p>\n

1908 saw the deadly Springfield, Illinois, race riot, in which thousands of white people attacked the city\u2019s Black community, triggered by a false rape accusation of a Black man. At least nine, but likely dozens more, Black people were killed, and thousands were forced out of their homes. It was the catalyst for the formation the next year of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).<\/p>\n

Wells worked tirelessly to draw up plans for the NAACP\u2019s success. But compared to many of her peers, she was quite radical, which caused friction with people like Booker T. Washington, who advocated for racial accommodation rather than directly fighting against oppression. Despite W.E.B. Du Bois taking a more proactive approach to protesting injustice, Wells took issue with his belief that elite Black Americans should advance the race as a whole.<\/p>\n

\u201cHer belief in both the worthiness and political potential of the Black working class differed from many of her peers in the NAACP\u2014who believed in leadership by the \u2018talented tenth\u2019\u2014as well as the compliant conservatives led by Washington,\u201d says Giddings. Wells also wanted anti-lynching to be a key area of focus for the new organization, but faced some skepticism from her peers.<\/p>\n

When it came time for the \u201cFounding Forty\u201d NAACP members to be called at a 1909 conference, Wells\u2019s name was not on the list. While a commotion broke out, with the NAACP\u2019s more radical faction protesting the news, Wells left the building. From then onward, her relationship to the NAACP remained fraught. \u201cI cannot resist the conclusion that, had I not been so hurt over the treatment I had received at the hands of the men of my own race \u2026 the NAACP would now be a live, active force in the lives of our people all over this country,\u201d she detailed in Crusade for Justice<\/em>. For most of her life, Wells would often experience marginalization at the hands of her male contemporaries, due to her identity as a Black woman and her willingness to transgress gender roles.<\/p>\n

Despite this, Wells continued to forge her own path as an anti-racist feminist. As the suffragette movement took off in the early 1900s, she advocated for the rights of Black women. But this often put her at odds with white women in the movement, many of whom refused to take an intersectional approach to feminist organizing. Focusing on racial discrimination and recognizing Black women as integral to the struggle for suffrage was unpopular. This led Wells to call out her peers for their racism, and attempt to organize in ways that prioritized Black women\u2019s interests.<\/p>\n

In 1913, Wells and two of her white colleagues in the movement formed the Alpha Suffrage Club in Chicago. It aimed to inform working-class Black women of their civic duties and highlight paths toward electing Black candidates to political office. That March, the Club attended a national suffrage parade in Washington, D.C., at which they faced racial discrimination and were forced to march behind the white women. But Wells slipped out from the back and joined her white colleagues in leading the Illinois contingent, shocking onlookers.<\/p>\n

BEYOND HER ACTIVISM<\/strong>, Wells was a probation officer, founded Chicago\u2019s first Black kindergarten, and ran unsuccessfully for the Illinois state Senate as an independent candidate in 1930. By the late 1910s, the relatively new federal agency which would later be known as the FBI had opened up a file on Wells, labeling her as \u201cone of the most dangerous negro agitators.\u201d<\/p>\n

Wells\u2019s approach to bettering the world around her was multifaceted, organizing both locally and nationally, constantly pursuing avenues for change. But she was much more than the sum of her accomplishments: She was a mother, a devout Christian, and a person who lived through serious trauma. After decades of work, she died in 1931 at the age of 68.<\/p>\n

Wells\u2019s philosophy of action is vitally important to recognizing how we can combat oppression today. She exposed how lynchings and other acts of racialized violence often masked corruption. Today, the Trump administration has continued to cite undocumented immigrants as the biggest danger to the U.S., while siphoning off government funds to line the pockets of the president and his allies. Just as lynchings were often used as a cover-up of attempts to destroy Black economic and social mobility, attacking immigrants and other marginalized groups has pulled focus from the Trump administration\u2019s own shady dealings.<\/p>\n

As the nation recognizes its 250th anniversary, Wells should be seen as more than just a trailblazing figure, but also someone whom Americans can be inspired by. \u201cShe represents the promise of the country,\u201d says Giddings. \u201cAs a Black woman who fought to make this country face the truth about itself and its citizens, she represents the real promise of America\u2019s declaration 250 years hence.\u201d<\/p>\n

Read more Yes, Trump Will Attempt a Coup<\/a><\/p>\n

This article appears in Aug 2026 issue.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n


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